Impact of Obama on US Regulatory System

Impact of Obama on US Regulatory System Within the first few years when Obama was elected, there are certain things that he has done right, while there are things that he failed to reflect on the broader portion of society. Yet, one thing he is doing that almost no one noticed, even the liberals, is strengthening the countrys regulatory system. The U.S regulatory system has been heavily weakened by the previous Republican presidents, in order for businesses to soar without any interuptions. However, this seemed to be troubling as proven by the recession in 2008 where the global collapsed due to the inregulated big banks, such as, AIG, that were supposed to be overseen by regulators. The problem is that these regulators were paid by these banks, and one would imagine that these businesses were appointed specific regulators by the government, yet, it was not the case. Hence, these rating agencies and regulators were often understaffed or afraid of losing businesses that these banks had the chance to mess up badly. That is wh y Obama is looking to reform these regulatory agencies. The agencies created in the great reform periods (1901–1914, 1932–1938, and 1961–1972) were intended to regulate all the difficult aspects of the economy, i.e. corruption, polluted environment using their scientific knowledge. Because people in power believed back then that we could administrate our country using scientific methods, which would differentiate itself from prejudice and pressures from the lobbyists, the staffs of our regulatory came from social and natural science majors. The idea was heavily criticized as the staffs are often inadequate to response everchanging aspect of our economy. Many of our previous Presidents believed in this idea, it was not until 1980s when George W. Bush became the President, and the idea was ultimately challenged by the Republicans and his allies. All of the staffs were replaced with business executives, and lobbyists; which actually defeated the purpose of regulating based on scientific expertise. Most of the elected peo ple from the Republican Parties were often unfitted for their positions. One example is Edwin G. Foulke Jr, who was chosen to run the OSHA by Bush. It would have been perfectly fine, if it was not for the fact that Mr. Foulke was previously an enemy of the OSHA agency, and he had actively instructed companies on how to stop union organizations. Another fact is that these chosen candidates are often rendered useless to do their job. It is rather odd to see Jeffrey Holmstead appointed by Bush to run the Clean Air Act, even though he was a representative of the Chemical Manufacturers Association. One is then forced to question whether the purpose of appointing unfitted people for the jobs is to render the regulatory system useless. However, after Obama took the office, the candidates were more carefully selected and properly fitted for the job. For instance, Obama knew that state officials are often the ideal candidates to manage the regulatory system, because they know what the rules are and how they are enforced. That is why he chose several knowledgeable state environmental officials to be in charge of the EPA. Lisa Jackson was picked to run the agency, as she was a chemical engineer who also directed the New Jersy Department of Environmental Protection. Previous Republican Presidents didnt just weaken our regulatory system by choosing the wrong people, they also heavily reduced the agenciess financial plan. This ultimately forced the agencies to lay off employees, which then translates to poor inspections. The number of officers during George Bush time dropped thirty five percentages. What is the point of having regulatory rules if there are not enough inspectors to enforce the rules? Seemingly, that was ho w the Republicans wanted. With all of his efforts, Obama is undoing all the damages to our regulatory system, by having massive fundings to most of the regulatory agencies. In 2010, the EPA was funded with $10.5 billion dollars. Similarly, OSHAs budget increased by ten percentages in 2010, which permitted to employ another 130 inspectors. Remarkably, one important thing that Obama did was that he made it difficult for the Congress to obstruct these regulatory rules. The Office of Information and Regulatory Affairs (OIRA) was introduced 1981 under Reagans administration. It was created to oversee all the other agencys rules. It has the power to detain or put an end to a rule, if the costs exceed the benefits, which were subjective and elusive to measure. That is why the OIRA became an effective device for the Republicans to weaken the regulatory system. Currently, Obama appointed Cass Sunstein, a Harvard Law Professor to be in charge of the OIRA. Mr. Sunstein shifts the focus of OIRA from the costs-benefits pe rspective to taking care for our future generations. The regulating agencies are now once again functional.Mary Schapiro, appointed to run the SEC, made 1600 inspections on Wall Street money managers. Jon Leibowitz, chairman of the Federal Trade Commission, sued Intel from averting computers makers using non-Intel chips. Even though Clinton tried to bring back the regulatory agencies in 1993, but he was overwhelmed by the Republicans domination in the Congress. Things are fine at the moment, yet, history tends to repeat itself. The political power is divided between the executive, legislative and judicial branch. Within the executive branch, the President is the most powerful leader. The process of electing the President is difficult, as our Founding Fathers did not wish for the President to be elected directly from the people. The idea of electing the President from a popular vote seemed too democratic or in another words, chaotic, as it would create imbalances between different classes of society. That is why the Electoral College was created. The numbers of Electoral College in each state depend on the numbers of members of Congress that state has. For instance, California has 55 electoral votes, while Wyoming has only 3 electoral votes. Having the Electoral College was not only meant to restore balances, but also to distribute the candidatess deficient amount of time and money, i.e, the candidates would concentrate their political campaigns on battlegrounds states instead of swing states, as George Bush did in 2004, where he ignored California, as results showed he was hopelessly behind. However, as practical as the idea seems, there were certain circumstances where the candidate received Presidency without having the majority of popular vote, such as, in 2000, even though George Bush received 500,000 less votes than Al Gore, he still managed to become the President by having the majority in electoral votes. Seemingly, this means one person vote is not practically equal to another, which ultimately challenges our fundamental idea of democracy, where one person is politically equal to another. The President is paid in salary annually. However, the Presidents compensation is often smaller compared to other companiess CEO. This reflects on the basic idea of capitalism where the President of a public sector is compensated less than other private sectors. This allows private ownerships to thrive, and reduce the publics cynicism about possible corruption.The powers of the President listed in the Constitution are the power to veto legislation passed by the Congress, to perform as the commander in chief of the armed forces, execute the laws, pardon criminals, make treaties, call Congress into special session, appoint government officials, and recognize foreign governments. But, it is safe to say that the Presidents powers may vary greatly depending on the circumstances. To expand on this thought, the President does not have the power to declare war, the Congress does (as specified in the Constitutions). Yet as proven in the Iraq war in 2001, Bush deployed 200,000 American troops into the war without the permission of the Congress. Only after the troops have arrived, he asked for their permissions, which proved to be completely useless. Furthermore, Bush advanced by freezing assets of suspected criminals involving the 9/11 incidents, and arrested people based on suspictions without any evidences. This was not challenged by the Congress since the issue was sensitive, and no one wanted to be remembered by being on the opposing team. The Presidents public image is equally important. By regular appearances on TV, Bush managed to convince 7/10 Americans that Saddam Hussein was involved in the 9/11 attack without having any supported evidences. Presidents often have different styles that they wish to operate with. Seemingly, John F. Kennedy appeared to be overconfident, while Lyndon Johnson was completely opposite. Reagons office was always a mess as he didnt pay attention to details; yet, he was excellent at communicating his idea to the public to the point none exceeded him. On the contrary, Jimmy Carter paid extremely close attention to details, which was a training that he obtained as an engineer. Clinton allowed his team to exercise their creativity and freedom in performing tasks, while Bush enjoyed restrictions and obidience. The President is elected to be a leader. They are elected to inspire change, to reach for a greater good. Their powers are shared between the Congress and the Judicial System, where the checks and balances remind them where they need to be. Hence there were times when the Congress and the President were alligned in the same page (Vietnam War), yet, naturally, the system was designed so that the Congress will always challenge the Presidents actions, vice versa. With the U.S raising as a super power, so are the Presidents political resources. At the same time, he is always challenged by interest group, lobbyists pursuing their ways that are often difficult for the President to overcome their obstacles. The Presidents goals are then to remain initiative when it comes to the interests of capital at home, and preserve coroparates interests overseas.

A Semiotic Analysis of the Battle Fo Algiers

The Battle of Algiers, which was produced in 1966 and directed by Gillo Pontecorvo, is a film which explores the Algerian struggle for independence between 1954 and 1962. The film is constructed using a documentary style and was filmed on the actual locations where events unfolded. The Battle of Algiers is an example of neorealist filmmaking which purports to give an objective, realistic account of the battles waged between the FLN (National Liberation Front) rebels and the French military. The formal elements of style which create the narrative can be examined using semiotic theory in order to better understand how the viewer can be interpellated into particular ideological positions. Interestingly, the ideal viewing position is not easily recognisable, which is why the film works well in striking a balance in presenting the points of views of combating sides. Semiotics refers to the study of and meaning created by ‘signs’, which are composed of ‘signifiers’ and their ‘signifieds’. Semiotic systems are culturally contingent; they appeal to and are informed by ideology (O’sullivan, Hartley, Saunders, Montgomery & Fiske, 2004). Therefore, it may be significant to note that The Battle of Algiers is essentially a European production as the â€Å"key creative positions in the production of the film were occupied by Italians† (Wayne, 2001, p. 9). With this in mind, it would appear that the characterisations which are constructed through the combination of formal filmic conventions can be seen to position the viewer into considering the futility of continued political control over a colonised state, regardless of the viewer’s ideological point of view. Ostensibly, the characterisations of the combatants from the FLN and the French military are polarised opposites. The FLN rebels are less organised, poorly funded, less literate and rely on deception and terror to further their cause. Opposed to this, the French paratroopers are well organised, disciplined, calculating, brutal, and use torture and modern weaponry to counter the rebels. The character of Ali La-Pointe can be read as the embodiment of the FLN, whereas Colonel Philippe Mathieu can be read as the embodiment of the French military. La-Pointe is played by non-professional actor, Brahim Haggiag, â€Å"a real life petty criminal† (Odeh, 2004). On the other hand, Colonel Mathieu is played by the only professional in the cast, Jean Martin (Odeh, 2004). La-Pointe is presented as being poorly educated and disenfranchised. His poor education is signified in the scene where he asks the boy messenger, Petit Omar, to read him a communication from FLN leader, Jaffar. Other signifiers of his poor education and low socio-economic status are his tatty clothing, unkempt appearance and lack of paid employment. La-Pointe is characterised as being ill-disciplined and short-tempered. This is signified clearly by La-Pointe punching a young Frenchman after he is called a ‘dirty Arab’. His past crimes, albeit petty, are signified by voiceover. La-Pointe is also impulsive in his role as a rebel leader. He is impatient to fight the French military and does not see the sense in the more measured approach suggested by Jaffar. Whilst La-Pointe is not a model citizen and is not easy to sympathise with he is, however, characterised as being a strong leader, courageous and loyal to his cause. La-Pointe’s characterisation perhaps works to interpellate the viewer into a position which favours a bourgeois ideology, because La-Pointe’s rise to eminence within the FLN is seemingly more out of vengeance and revenge, rather than any political manoeuvring or prowess. Ironically, this lack of political power which results in violence and terror adds authenticity to La-Pointe’s character and in so doing, his character positions the viewer to understand that the French hegemonic ideology is the root cause of the Arabs’ disenfranchisement. In contrast to La-Pointe, Colonel Mathieu is characterised as being intelligent, charismatic and disciplined; he is the embodiment of the French military and by extension the French culture. Mathieu is the most developed character in the film and this can be read as being metaphoric of the French culture’s supposed sophistication. The mise-en-scene when Mathieu is parading down a large street along the seafront after being recruited to command the offensive against the FLN rebels is significant. Matheiu, a tall, sturdy, middle-aged man looks resplendent in full military uniform amidst cheering ‘French’ locals and is presented as the messiah like character. Tellingly though, it is the dark sunglasses, rolled up sleeves and unbuttoned shirt which give him an authentic and individual appearance; he appears to be a man of action and experience. The viewer is immediately positioned to sense that Mathieu’s arrival will coincide with a significant change in events in Algiers. As the viewers’ expectations are played out they are positioned to sympathise with Mathieu’s point-of-view. When Mathieu first arrives in Algiers, he sets about systematically dismantling the resistance, however, he points out to his colleagues that not all of the Arabs are terrorists and that most do not present a threat at all (Odeh, 2002). This is signified by Mathieu saying: There are four hundred thousand Arabs in Algeria; are they all enemies? We know they are not. But a small minority hold sway by means of terror and violence (Pontecorvo, 1966). He describes the organisational structure of the FLN, how they recruit members and why they are a considerable threat. This signifies Mathieu’s knowledge of military tactics and strategy, as well as his respect of the enemy. This respect for his enemy is also signified through the following quote: â€Å"It’s a dangerous enemy†¦ using tried-and-true revolutionary methods as well as original tactics† (Pontecorvo, 1966). Although Mathieu is presented as being respectful of his adversaries, he is, on the other hand, ruthless and actively condones the use of torture. His is an attitude of ‘win at all costs’ and the ‘end justifies the means’ approach. Mathieu euphemistically uses the word ‘interrogation’ for torture in order to gain intelligence to dismantle the FLN pyramid structure. As he emphatically puts it, the interrogation will be â€Å"conducted in such a way as to ensure we always get an answer† (Pontecorvo, 1966). When questioned about these tactics in a press conference, Mathieu justifies his tactics as being the lesser of two evils, and the only way to counter clandestine tactics such as setting off bombs in public places. He is fully aware of the creation of a vicious cycle of terrorism and counterterrorism which highlights the complexity of the situation and the necessity for decisive actions. The viewer is positioned to sympathise with Mathieu’s persuasive rhetoric not only through his words but also because of the camera angles in this scene. The use of a low camera angle from the journalists’ perspective reinforces Mathieu as the dominant figure in the room and adds weight to his profound rhetoric. Mathieu is also belligerent towards the hypocritical journalists who want the FLN defeated, but are critical of the methods employed. The mise-en-scene during the press conference shows the dominant figure Mathieu standing slightly in front of three military colleagues who are wearing stern expressions in a show of solidarity with their leader. They are flanked by a blackboard which shows a line graph with an upward trend. This could be read as signifying an upward trend in terrorist acts or bombings. Throughout the press conference, Mathieu is in the centre of frame and stands bolt upright in a dominant fashion with hands on hips. The positioning of Mathieu as a powerful figure with courage and vigour sets him up as being a metaphoric representation of French pride. Mathieu sits down in a more relaxed fashion as he appeals to the journalists’ sense of pride. He states, â€Å"We’re neither madmen nor sadists† and reminds them of the â€Å"role many of us played in the resistance† (referring to WWII; Pontecorvo, 1966). In this powerful scene Mathieu is juxtaposed with the captured FLN commander Benjamin M’hidi. M’hidi is questioned by a journalist about the use of terror tactics and is asked, â€Å"isn’t it cowardly to use your women’s baskets to carry bombs which have taken so many innocent lives? † (Pontecorvo, 1966). M’hidi replies by comparing these actions with the even more devastating effect from use of bomber planes and napalm, and suggests that he would swap the baskets for the bombers. This comment highlights the difference between the resources of the French and the FLN and by extension the difference between the wealth and infrastructure of the French Algerians compared with the much poorer and disenfranchised Algerian Natives. The camera angles are higher when M’hidi is in shot and the reader is positioned to view him as less powerful than Mathieu; what’s more most of the journalists are also standing, making the camera angle similar when they are in view which works to present them as being equally important as M’hidi. The journalists and photographers are also rowdier and jostle for position signifying less respect for him. However, M’hidi who is clearly surrounded by such adversity is defiant; when asked if he thinks the FLN can defeat the French army, he poignantly suggests that they have a better chance of victory than the French have of changing history. While M’hidi’s argument is compelling, it is Mathieu’s charisma which is most memorable in this scene as it is in most others in which he is involved. With this in mind, it could be argued that it is most likely that the viewer will be interpellated into the ideological position of bourgeois subject. The Battle of Algiers is very complex in its viewer positioning however, and while on the one hand it positions the viewer to respect Mathieu as an indomitable character with admirable intentions, this is somewhat countered by some negative racist traiting. Shortly after Mathieu’s arrival, it becomes clear that he has a racist attitude. This is signified by his description of the Arabs as being â€Å"like rabbits in a cage† and is reinforced by the smirk on his face. When asked by the General, what he is calling the operation, he whimsically looks through a pair of binoculars and sees a sign by the shipping dock which says â€Å"drink Champagne. † He then informs the general that he will call the operation ‘Champagne’. This use of the word ‘champagne’ is metaphoric of the hegemonic rise of the French culture being imparted upon the Algerians, especially given the fact that the sign is at a dock yard symbolising the foreign influence being transported from abroad. However, Mathieu’s racist attitude is somewhat tempered throughout the film. This is signified in the scene where FLN commander, Jaffar, is captured in a seemingly inevitable fashion as the FLN are being systematically destroyed by the French paratroopers; while Mathieu escorts Jaffar in a vehicle he admits that he’d â€Å"have hated to have blown you all up† (Pontecorvo, 1966). Mathieu explains that he has had Jaffar’s picture on his desk for months and he felt like he knew him a bit. He also signifies his admiration in a subtle manner by telling Jaffar: â€Å"You don’t strike me as the kind for empty gestures† (Pontecorvo, 1966). Mathieu does not demonstrate any animosity towards Jaffar and the only satisfaction he finds in his capture is through the achievement of his military objective. This complex traiting is significant, given that Mathieu works, in a broad sense, as a metonym of the French military and government; it shows that even the most admirable of characters is not truly existential in nature. He is still a subject of the French ideology, and therefore when surrounded by colleagues he assumes the racist persona. However, when he is interacting on a one-on-one basis with Jaffar, he is able to express empathy for his prisoner. What this highlights is the difficulty in effecting political change as a subject of the dominant ideology. It is significant that the film works to develop the character of Mathieu while neglecting the development of any other ‘French’ characters. In contrast to this, several Arab characters are at least partially developed, albeit not as well crafted or nuanced in their presentation. This can be seen as symbolic of the opposing ideologies at work. Mathieu who represents the force of the dominant ideology is an empowered character who is allowed to express himself and has the support of the educated, wealthy French colonialists. In contrast, the main Arab characters including FLN Leaders La-Pointe, Jaffar, M’hidi and boy messenger Petit Omar are less developed, but in so doing appear to be more ‘archetypal’ and representative of typical characters who inhabit the poverty-stricken Casbah. This sets up an ‘us versus them’ dichotomy in terms of ideological positions. The less-dominant Arabic ideology is becoming more powerful and is reflected in more characters performing a powerful role for change. In contrast, the dominant French ideology is lessening in strength as the French colonialists are seen to be more ambivalent towards change. This is understandable as they are wealthier and have more political power. The French military finally win the battle in 1957 by capturing or killing all the FLN leaders. Ultimately though, it is the native Algerians who win their independence. The film finishes by depicting the large scale demonstrations which occurred two years later, which (according to the French press) appeared unexpectedly and originated in the mountains. Many unarmed Arabs are killed by the French military during the demonstrations but the Arabs continue to demonstrate and march for ten days, chanting and waving flags. The flags are an obvious signifier of unity, pride and a hope for independence. The film ends with one of the more powerful images of the film; an Arab woman is holding a flag whilst dancing and yelling at the French military in obvious defiance. She has a determined, almost hypnotised expression on her face. This powerful mise-en-scene with the woman being backed by hundreds of demonstrators defiant in the face of powerful suppression foreshadows an inevitable change of politics after another two years of struggle. The words of Benjamin M’hidi seem even more profound by the end of the film: you cannot change the course of history (Pontecorvo, 1966). References http://www.brightlightsfilm.com/46/algiers.htm

Children and adults alike enjoy fairy Essay

Children and adults alike enjoy fairy tales because, to a certain extent, there are universal themes which make the stories predictable. Three of these themes are parental abandonment, victimization, and the all-important happy ending. Fairy tales provide an escape for the reader and a way to vicariously experience a different kind of life in which anything is possible. The idea of parental abandonment seems an anathema in a children’s story. Nevertheless, Little Red Riding Hood ventures alone into the forest to walk to her grandmother’s house, in spite of the danger presented by the wolf. Snow White and Cinderella’s parents die and leave them with cruel stepmothers. In â€Å"Beauty and the Beast†, Belle is without a mother and her father is a bit of a kook who can’t look after her properly. All of the characters are placed in situations in which they become victims. The three little pigs must protect their homes from a wolf; Little Red Riding Hood must outsmart a wolf who has eaten her grandmother and disguised himself. Cinderella and Snow White, on the other hand, must outsmart their cruel stepmothers in order to find true love. The most common theme in fairy tales (except, of course, for the Grimm versions) is that they have a happy ending. Cinderella and Snow White defeat their stepmothers and marry the prince, Little Red Riding Hood and the three little pigs outsmart the wolves and save themselves from certain death. A fairy tale just isn’t a fairy tale without a happy ending; after all, the story of Cinderella would be less compelling if she had missed the ball and one of her ugly stepsisters had married the prince. â€Å"Beauty and the Beast† would have been less of a fairy tale if Belle’s love hadn’t transformed the Beast.

Bipolar And Related Disorders Symptoms And Treatment Of...

Bipolar and related disorders are lifelong perplexing mental illnesses that are difficult to diagnose and treat. Bipolar illness is a chronic shifting of extreme euphoria (mania) and deep sadness or hopelessness (depressive) episodes, complicated by comorbidities and the potential for poor health outcomes. The occurrence of bipolar disorder (BD) throughout the adult population in the United States is reported to be approximately 5.7 million people each year, with a lifetime prevalence of 3.9 percent. (National Institute of Mental Health) The DSM-5 classifications of bipolar and related disorders include four categories. Bipolar Disorder I is characterized by predominately manic episodes. Bipolar II is predominately depressive. Cyclothymic Disorder consists of frequent periods of both hypomania and depression, yet do not meet the criteria for either a type I or II BD diagnosis. Lastly, Unspecified Bipolar and related disorders are defined by bipolar symptoms that do not match the thr ee categories above. Diagnosis of a manic episode includes three or more of the following symptoms that lasts one week or more: inflated self-esteem, decreased need for sleep, pressured talk, flight of ideas, distractibility, increase of goal directed activities, and excessive involvement in activities the produce negative consequences. Depressive episodes include fatigue, hypersomnia or insomnia, low self-esteem, poor concentration, increased or decreased appetite, psychomotor agitation orShow MoreRelatedSymptoms And Treatment Of Bipolar And Related Disorder1246 Words   |  5 Pages Abstract The following research paper will exposed the most common symptoms, diagnostic and therapy, in the treatment for Bipolar and Related Disorder due to Another Medical condition. 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